The Reality of Ceuta and Melilla
The fences of Ceuta and Melilla provide a model through which to study the compatibility of the governments’ stated and hidden objectives in establishing territorial borders. The Spanish government uses the challenge of irregular migration as an argument to strengthen the fences of Ceuta and Melilla, despite reports insisting that the number of illegal migrants crossing into Spain through these two cities or elsewhere has increased.
Since the construction of the fences in the early 1990s, this suggests that as border control measures are intensified, more clandestine ways will be found to cross international borders. Ceuta and Melilla reflect a long history of interactions between Morocco and Spain. These relations have fluctuated between coexistence and confrontation according to changing regional circumstances and the balance of power in the Mediterranean region. The Spanish presence in North Africa can be traced back to an era dominated by intense conflict between Christians and Muslims.
This was to control the lands not only in the Iberian Peninsula but also in the entire western Mediterranean region, as the Spanish term “Reconquista” refers to this long period between 718 and 1492, which ended with what Islamic history calls “the fall of Andalusia.” However, the ambitions of the “Reconquista” wars were not limited to the reclamation of the Iberian Peninsula only, but also included the expansion of Christian control in northwest Africa. Ceuta and Melilla are two of the most important enclaves under Spanish control in northern Morocco after the end of the “Reconquista.” Melilla was the first to fall under Spanish rule in 1497, and Ceuta, which was captured by Portugal in 1415, was transferred to Spain under the Treaty of Lisbon in 1668. Ceuta and Melilla, like all medieval cities, were surrounded by high, elevated areas and thick stone walls to protect and defend them from invaders and all kinds of external attacks.
Why Morocco Didn't Liberate Ceuta and Melilla
Both cities were long focal points of conflict between Mediterranean powers as a major defensive strategy of the Old World Order. The old walls were not a disputed issue between Morocco and Spain. However, the construction of new walls and the expansion or renovation of existing walls on the borders of the two enclaves today have led to political and legal disputes between the two countries. Apart from Ceuta and Melilla, Spain controls a few small islands 2 that Morocco considers for historical and geographical reasons to be an integral part of its territory.
- 1986: 1986 was a turning point in the history of the two cities and other Spanish-controlled islands in northern Morocco as part of Spain's accession to the European Economic Community (later the European Union) and they also became a territory of the European Union.
- 1993: A significant development took place in these areas in 1993 under the pretext of preventing irregular migration. These enclaves began to be surrounded by fences. Since these initial fences were relatively easy to cross, the construction of a more secure system began in the autumn of 1995. Since then, the Spanish government has continued to reinforce the fences physically and through the use of advanced technologies such as infrared cameras.
- 2005: In 2005, the Spanish government erected a third fence next to the two already dilapidated fences in order to completely seal the border from infiltration beyond the designated checkpoints. The European Union contributed financially to the project, introducing a new dynamic, providing £200 million to build a barbed wire border fence around Ceuta and bearing 75 per cent of the costs of the first project from 1995 to 2000.
The fences of Ceuta and Melilla will continue to have a negative impact on Morocco’s relations with Spain and the European Union. Spain’s policy of fencing the borders of the two enclaves reflects contradictory pressures in the region, while the Mediterranean has seen an increasing number of cultural and economic cooperation projects in the past two decades. New physical and virtual walls are being built in the region to achieve a “Fortress Europe”.
The challenge facing the region is whether the increasing economic interdependence and the bilateral or multilateral institutional mechanisms will prevent any dramatic conflict or at least a serious crisis that could cause a major setback to the ongoing Euro-Mediterranean integration process.
Even if North Africa is not currently a priority on the agendas of international policy, especially the United States, the Strait of Gibraltar will remain one of the most vital gateways for commercial and military vessels. Therefore, regardless of the competition for regional influence in the Strait of Gibraltar and any unrest between Morocco and Spain that may be fueled by the continued Spanish occupation of Ceuta and Melilla, maintaining the status quo in the region remains the most acceptable option for all and all the international actors involved.
Border between Ceuta and Morocco
The current status of the fences of the two cities according to a report issued by the European Commission in October 2005 is as follows:
- The external land border of Melilla is characterised by a 10.5 km long double border fence divided into three sectors, with the outer fence being 3.5 metres high and the inner fence reaching 6 metres in some places. Both fences are equipped with barbed wire to prevent irregular migrants from climbing over the fence. The surveillance system consists of 106 fixed video surveillance cameras and an additional microphone cable in addition to infrared surveillance.
- On the external land border of Ceuta (a 7.8 km long double border fence divided into three sectors), 316 police officers and 626 civilian officers of the National Guard are deployed. With the exception of 37 mobile cameras installed along this border line, the technical equipment used to monitor the border is the same as that in Melilla. In addition, helicopters are used to monitor the external border after the recent massive attacks.
- In the context of pursuing the strategy of separating the Spanish-controlled enclaves in North Africa from Moroccan territory, the Spanish government allocated a significant budget at the beginning of 2009 to renew and strengthen the barbed wire fences surrounding Ceuta and Melilla. In addition to these two physical fences, digital surveillance of irregular migration is now a core part of the Spanish government’s policy. The Integrated External Surveillance System (SIVE) is one of the largest surveillance systems in Europe, aiming to monitor Spanish maritime areas targeted by irregular migrants.
- SIVE was first implemented in 1999 around the Strait of Gibraltar, where the majority of irregular migrants arrived at the time. The Spanish government then expanded SIVE to the east and west, covering the entire province of Cadiz respectively in 2004, the entire coast of Andalusia in 2005 and finally the Canary Islands.
- SIVE has been implemented through the gradual addition of border surveillance and management technologies, including long-range radar systems, advanced sensors that can detect heartbeats from a distance, thermal cameras, night vision cameras, infrared optics, helicopters and patrol boats.
- The Spanish virtual fence, similar to the American fence, required a large budget, partly financed by the European Union, for the period 1999-2004. 150 million euros were allocated, which translated into about 1,800 euros for each migrant intercepted during the five-year period mentioned.
The Siege of Ceuta and Melilla
Despite the huge financial and logistical costs, the Spanish virtual fence system has not achieved significant results in preventing irregular migrants from risking their lives by sailing across the Mediterranean and Atlantic in rickety boats from the remote West African shores of Senegal and Mauritania.
Jørgen Carling, a Norwegian researcher, has argued that the development of SIVE has not only prompted smugglers to adopt new routes but has also led to technical and organizational changes on the part of smugglers. Carling explains this conclusion based on some previous studies in five points:
- Firstly, smugglers have developed new boats specifically designed for smuggling instead of relying on fishing boats.
- Secondly, in order to increase their profits, smugglers multiply the number of passengers on each trip by using large rubber boats (zodiacs).
- Thirdly, they organize group trips to include a group of pateras that spread out as they approach the coast. This makes it difficult for the Guardia Civil to intercept all the boats detected by SIVE.
- Fourthly, the SIVE program makes the journey of migrants, especially those who lack maritime skills, more dangerous, while smugglers do not run the additional risk of being arrested by the Spanish authorities. In addition, as a reaction to the advanced virtual control systems implemented in the western Mediterranean and in the Atlantic, migrants try to reach European territory from the eastern Maghreb coasts (from Algeria, Tunisia and Libya), especially via the Italian islands of Lampedusa, Pantelleria and Linosa and mainland Sicily.
- Fifthly, it must be emphasized that irregular migrants entering Spain and other host countries by sea are outnumbered by migrants entering through other channels.